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The forces under Brockman numbered about 800 men; they were armed with the State arms, which had been given up to them by independent militia companies in the adjacent counties. They also had five pieces of six-pounder iron cannon, belonging to the State, which they had obtained in the same way. The Mormon party and their allies, being some of the new citizens, under the command of Major Clifford, numbered at first about two hundred and fifty, but were diminished by desertions and removals, before any decisive fighting took place, to about one hundred and fifty. Some of them were armed with sixteen shooting rifles, -- which experience proved were not very effective in their hands, -- and a few of them with muskets. They had four or five pieces of cannon, hastily and rudely made by themselves out of the shaft of a steamboat.
The Mormons and their allies took position in the suburbs, about one mile east of the temple, where they threw up some breastworks for the protection of their artillery. The attacking force was strong enough to have been divided and marched into the city on each side of this battery, and entirely out of the range of its shot; and thus the place might have been taken without firing a gun. But Brockman, although he professed a desire to save the lives of his men, planted his force directly in front of the enemy's battery, but distant more than half a mile; and now both parties commenced a fire from their cannon, and some few persons on each side approached near enough to open a fire with their rifles and muskets, but not near enough to do each other material injury.
In this manner they continued to fire at each other at such a distance, and with such want of skill, as that there was but little prospect of injury, until the anti-Mormons had exhausted their ammunition, when they retreated in some disorder to their camp. They were not pursued, and here the Mormon party committed an error, for all experience of irregular forces has shown, that however brave they may be, that a charge on them when they have once commenced a retreat, is sure to be successful. Having waited a few days to supply themselves anew with ammunition from Quincy, the anties again advanced to the attack, but without coming nearer to the enemy than before, and that what at the time was called a battle, was kept up three or four days, during all which time the Mormons admit a loss of two men and a boy killed, and three or four wounded. The anties admitted a loss on their side of one man mortally, and nine or ten others not so dangerously wounded. The Mormons claimed that they had killed thirty or forty of the anties. The anties claimed that they had killed thirty or forty of the Mormons, and both parties could have proved their claim by incontestable evidence, if their witnesses had been credible.
But the account which each party renders of its loss, ought to be taken as the true one, unless such account call be successfully controverted. During all the skirmishing and firing of cannon, it is estimated that from seven to nine hundred cannon balls, and an infinite number of bullets, were fired on each side, from which it appears that the remarkable fact of so few being killed and wounded, can be accounted for only by supposing great unskilfulness in the use of arms, and by the very safe distance which the parties kept from each other.
At last, through the intervention of an anti-Mormon committee of one hundred from Quincy, the Mormons and their allies were induced to submit to such terms as the posse chose to dictate, which were that the Mormons should immediately give up their arms to the Quincy committee, and remove from the State. The trustees of the church and five of their clerks were permitted to remain for the sale of Mormon property, and the posse were to march in unmolested, and to leave a sufficient force to guarantee the performance of these stipulations.
Accordingly, the constable's posse marched in with Brockman at their head, consisting of about eight hundred armed men, and six or seven hundred unarmed, who had assembled from all the country around, from motives of curiosity, to see the once proud city of Nauvoo humbled, and delivered up to its enemies, and to the domination of a self-constituted and irresponsible power. They proceeded into the city slowly and carefully, examining the way from fear of the explosion of a mine, many of which had been made by the Mormons, by burying kegs of powder in the ground, with a man stationed at a distance to pull a string communicating with the trigger of a percussion lock affixed to the keg. This kind of a contrivance was called by the Mormons a "hell's half acre." When the posse arrived in the city, the leaders of if erected themselves into a tribunal to decide who should be forced away and who remain. Parties were despatched to hunt for Mormon arms and for Mormons, and to bring them to the judgment, where they received their doom from the mouth of Brockman, who there sat a grim and unawed tyrant for the time. As a general rule, the Mormons were ordered to leave within an hour or two hours; and by rare grace, some of them were allowed until next day, and in a few cases longer. The treaty specified that the Mormons only should be driven into exile. Nothing was said in it concerning the new citizens, who had with the Mormons defended the city.
But the posse no sooner obtained possession, than they commenced expelling the new citizens. Some of them were ducked in the river, being in one or two instances actually baptized in the name of the leaders of the mob, others were forcibly driven into the ferry boats, to be taken over the river, before the bayonets of armed ruffians; and it is believed that the houses of most of them were broken open and their property stolen during their absence. Many of these new settlers were strangers in the country from various parts of the United States, who were attracted there by the low price of property, and they knew but little of previous difficulties, or the merits of the quarrel. They saw with their own eyes that the Mormons were industriously preparing to go away, and they knew of their own knowledge that an effort to expel them with force was gratuitous and unnecessary cruelty. They had been trained in the States from whence they came to abhor mobs, and to obey the law, and they volunteered their services under executive authority, to defend their town and their property against mob violence, and as they honestly believed, from destruction. But in this they were partly mistaken, for although the mob leaders, in the exercise of unbridled power, were guilty of many enormities to the persons of individuals, and although much personal property was stolen, yet they abstained from materially injuring houses and buildings. The most that was done in this way, was the stealing of the doors and the sash of the windows from the houses by some body; the anti-Mormons allege that they were carried away by the Mormons, and the Mormons aver that the most of them were stolen by the anti-Mormons.
In a few days the obnoxious inhabitants had been expelled, the warlike new citizens with the rest. This class of citizens had strong claims to be treated with more generosity by the conquerors; but a mob, and more especially the mob leaders, inflamed with passion, exasperated by a brave resistance, their vulgar souls seeing no merit in the courage of adversaries, are not apt to show them much favor in the day of success and triumph. The main force of the posse was now disbanded. Brockman returned home. But before he returned, whilst his men were doubly intoxicated with liquor and by the glory of their victory, one hundred of them volunteered to remain, to prevent the return of those who had been expelled, or who had fled knowing that they would be forced away, and otherwise cruelly treated if they remained to face their conquerors. These, of course, were the lowest, most violent, the least restrained by principle, of all the anti-Mormons. The most of them were such vagabonds as had no home anywhere else, no business or employment, and for that reason were the readiest to stay. The posse was finally diminished to about thirty men, under Major McCalla, and continued to exercise all the powers of government in Nauvoo, committing many high-handed acts of tyranny and oppression, and, as they said, some acts of charity to the suffering women and children, until they heard that a force was coming against them from Springfield.
In the meantime the Mormons had been forced away from their homes unprepared for a journey. They and their women and children had been thrown houseless upon the Iowa shore, without provisions or the means of getting them, or to get away to places where provisions might be obtained. It was now the highest of the sickly season. Many of them were taken from sick beds, hurried into the boats and driven away by the armed ruffians, now exercising the power of government. The best they could do was to erect their tents on the banks of the river, and there remain to take their chance of perishing by hunger, or by prevailing sickness. In this condition the sick without shelter, food, nourishment, or medicines, died by scores. The mother watched her sick babe without hope, until it died; and when she sunk under accumulated miseries, it was only to be quickly followed by her other children, now left without the least attention; for the men had scattered out over the country seeking employment and the means of living. Their distressed condition was no sooner known, than all parties contributed to their relief; the anti-Mormons as much as others.
Some of the new citizens who had been driven away, had several times attempted to return to look after their property, and were each time driven away with more violence than they were before. The people of the State looked upon these outrages with calm indifference. A few here and there were anxious that something should be done to put an end to them. But such persons were generally moderate men who, because they are not violent themselves, dislike violence in others; and for the same reason, although they desire something to be done, yet never do anything to aid the authorities of the State. These moderate men, if force is necessary to put, down force, are always the last whose services can be obtained; and yet they are always the readiest to find fault with the government which they have failed to assist.
They are the first to call upon the governor for prompt action, but the last to bring him any aid; and very many of them tremble at the mere idea of venturing their popularity in such an enterprise. Let no public man in times of excitement depend upon moderate men for support; nor can he in such times justly expect to be supported in moderate measures. All violence is wrong; the moderate course is the right one; the violent men support their measures with energy; the moderate men let theirs perish for want of support. In such a contest a very few, a dozen violent men are worth a thousand of the moderates. The moderate party never give any efficient support to their leaders. They will coldly approve if, upon a very careful and curious looking into matters, what has been done suits them in the manner and amount of it exactly; but if not; suited to the eighth of an inch, then they are not sparing in their censure. This is true not only as to excitements which lead to civil war, but as to all excitements attending the contests of party. And it is for this reason that ambitious politicians are always driven to violent courses, to extreme measures, and to eschew all moderation. They know that they can depend upon the men of violence and action for support. And they know, as La Fayette might have known, that the moderate men never give a support worth anything to any one. The wealthy, who stand in most need of protection against violence, very rarely ever volunteer to put it down; most frequently leaving the laws to be enforced, if enforced at all, by obscure men; and many times by such persons as have no business of their own, or care for the stability of law and government. Such men as these are the readiest to volunteer in a popular service; some volunteer without considering the merits of the cause; and in civil broils as they change their minds with the changing winds, and have the election of their own commanders, their attachment to the one or the other side is not always to be relied on. Now, as long as the wealthy substantial citizen refuses his aid, the support of government; rests upon such feeble helps as these.
But the people had now waked up to reflection; they had seen a mob victorious over the government of the people. The government in a large district was actually put down and trodden under foot. They were willing that the Mormons might be driven away; but they had not anticipated the outrages which followed. A reaction took place, and such is the inconstancy of popular feeling, that men who were before outrageous against the governor for making any, even an abortive effort to extend a scanty assistance to an oppressed people, were now no less clamorous against him for not raising a force before one could possibly be raised; and they even went so far as to require that martial law should be declared; and that the rioters should be hung without trial or judgment. Thus they thought that mob violence might be put down by the illegal mob violence of government; and were in favor of converting the government into a mob to put down mobocracy.
There is a vague feeling among the people in favor of martial law on such occasions. I can find no authority in the constitution, or anywhere else, for the enforcement of martial law outside the lines of a military encampment. The civil law is above the military. But when the civil law shall be utterly disregarded and trampled under foot; when the people become wholly unfit for self-government; when anarchy and disorder shall be forced to give place to despotism; when our forms of government shall be utterly overthrown and abandoned, as experiments which have failed, the first dawnings of the reign of tyrants most likely will be preceded by proclamations of martial law, not for the government of armies, but for the government and punishment of a people at once rebellious and deserving to be slaves. The general sentiment in favor of martial law and the disorders calling it forth, are fearful evidences of a falling away from the true principles of liberty. Ever since Gen. Jackson on some great occasions, when the fate of half the country was at stake, "took the responsibility," the country has swarmed with a tribe of small statesmen who seem to think that the true secret of government is to set it aside and resort to mere force, upon the occurrence of the smallest difficulties. It may be well enough on great occasions to have one great Jackson; but on every small occasion no one can imagine the danger of having a multitude of little Jacksons. Jackson's example is to be admired rather than imitated; and the first may be done easier and safer than the last.
Government was obliged to wait for a change in the feelings of the people. As soon as this change was manifested, one hundred and twenty men were raised in and near Springfield, and with this small force the governor started to Hancock. Before this force arrived there, it had increased to the number of two hundred. The motive for going over this time was to restore to their homes about sixty families of new citizens, not being Mormons, who had been driven away from their property, most of which had been stolen during their absence. The Mormons could not have been persuaded to return on any terms. The governor had no expectation of being resisted by the great body of anties, although he had attempted to bring some of them to justice for their crimes; yet were they notoriously indebted to him for being recalled to their homes when driven away by the sheriff and his Mormon posse. He had been mainly instrumental in inducing the great body of Mormons to leave the State; he had effectually aided in protecting the county revenue from being collected and most probably squandered by the sheriff, whose only securities were Mormons about to leave the country; he had also gives effectual assistance in preventing the Mormon county court from running the county in debt thirty or forty thousand dollars, to pay the Mormon posse under Backinstos; and he had, for the space of seven months, obstinately refused to recall Major Warren's force stationed in Hancock for their protection, though their recall was daily insisted upon by the strongest of the governor's political friends. During all this time, he had the anti-Mormons at his mercy; during the dead, cold winter, when their expulsion from their homes would have ruined them. It was only to recall the military, and restore the charge of keeping the peace to the sheriff.
But the anties did not feel the least grateful for any of the good which had been done them. They remembered only the evil. It appeared, that if they had any gratitude, it consisted alone in a lively expectation of future favor. Indeed, during the whole winter that the governor was protecting them in their homes, and keeping their lives in their bodies, they never ceased cursing and abusing him. But the governor had done these things because they were right, and was too sensible a man to expect any thanks; and they are now mentioned, not to complain, but to illustrate a truth in matters of government, which is this: that he who will preserve the confidence and affection of a faction, must be with it every time, through right and wrong. This course the governor is not at liberty to take in a civil war, where both parties seek to trample the government under feet, and where both of them in turn may need restraint. And yet if he does not take one side and keep it, no allowance is made for his position; he is judged of as an individual factionist would be; he is charged with being first on one side, and then on the other, and on every side; just as if he had no public duty to perform, but was at liberty to take sides in the quarrel like a private man.
Very much to his astonishment, when the governor arrived in Hancock, the anti-Mormons were exceedingly bitter against him. Brockman was seat for; the leaders assembled, and now commenced a series of the most vexatious proceedings. They could hardly find words strong enough to express their unaffected surprise and astonishment at the impudence of the governor and the people of other counties in interfering, as they called it, in the affairs of Hancock. So far had the mob-scenes which they had passed through beclouded their judgments, and so far had they imitated the Mormons in their modes of thinking, that they really believed that the people of Hancock had some kind of government and sovereignty of their own, and that to interfere with this was to invade their sacred rights. In their long, bitter, and angry contest with the Mormons, they had acquired most of the vices of that people, being hurried on by the intensity of bad passions to imitate their crimes, that they might be equal to them in the contest.
This is one of the inevitable effects of long-continued faction; and, accordingly, the essence of the Mormons for six years in that part of the country has left moral blotches and propensities to crime, a total dissolution of moral principle among the remaining inhabitants, which one generation passing away will not eradicate, and perhaps will never be effectually cured until they learn by long and dire experience that the way of the transgressor is hard.
After the arrival of the governor in the county, two public meetings were held by the anties, one in Carthage and one in Nauvoo; at both of which, it was resolved that they would do nothing whilst the State forces remain; but believing that this force could be kept up only for a short time, they solemnly determined to drive out the proscribed new citizens as soon as the volunteers were withdrawn. As yet they were not aware of the change of opinion against them; they supposed that the people were universally in their favor; and were as arrogant as a mob usually is when they believe themselves able to triumph over their government. Our little force encamped at Nauvoo, on the north side of the great temple, protected to the north by a high stone wall. And whilst here, our sentinels were fired upon from a tavern near by, kept by a man who had recently kept a house in Illinois town as a place of refuge for the rogues in St. Louis, when hard pressed by the police. At this tavern, Backman, the murderer of Durfee ; Brath, a swarthy, grim and sanguinary tyrant; Palmer, fresh from the Quincy jail on a charge of rape; Reynolds, who had lately kept a livery stable In St. Louis for the sale of stolen horses; and Van Tuyl, an old wornout, broken-down, democratic New York politician, took their stand, as the anti-Mormon committee of the county, to watch our movements. The lines of the encampment were immediately extended so as to include this tavern; martial law was declared, and the inhabitants within the lines of the encampment were notified, that if the firing was repeated, the offender would be shot or hung, according to the sentence of a court-martial, and that the house itself would be demolished by the artillery. The shooting was not repeated.
Here a laughable matter occurred with a constable and Irish justice of the peace, lately elected by the anties, to replace those who had been driven away. These dignitaries broke through he line of sentinels, and were put under arrest; but upon giving their word to be forthcoming in the morning, to answer for their intrusion, they were discharged. Instead of returning to their houses, they repaired to the tavern, and having reinforced their courage by additional quantities of liquor, they came again to the lines, offering to bribe the sentinels to spike our cannon. They were again arrested, and kept until next morning, when Major George R. Weber, now in command, appointed a court to try them. The Irish justice relied much upon his power and consequence as a magistrate, and wanted to be exceedingly noisy and disorderly during the trial. Major Weber ordered him to keep silence until called upon to speak. This the indignant dispenser of justice refused, with a proud swell of importance. With some force, Major Weber, taking him by the shoulders, squat him down in a corner; but the magistrate, rising, and still insisting upon his dignity and right to make a noise, was knocked down twice in succession by Major Weber, before he could be forced to keep silence. The magistrate and constable were then condemned to be drummed around and out of the camp, to the tune of the rogue's march, which was done in good style, one very pretty morning. Such a creature as this magistrate, was the governor forced by the laws of the State to commission as a justice of the peace; and such officers as these did the anti-Mormons elect to assist him in keeping the peace.
During our stay here, Captain Robert Alien, with parts of his company and others, to the number of forty-four men, volunteered to make a secret expedition in the night to Carthage, in search of the State arms, having previously gained intelligence that a large number were concealed in that village. The anties had stationed at committee near us to watch our movements, and as Capt. Alien's men marched on foot, intelligence of their coming was conveyed to Carthage, and the arms removed to some other place of concealment before their arrival. Whilst this was going on, Major Weber, going the rounds out side of the camp, discovered one of the anti-Mormon committee acting as a spy, lying upon a wall, looking into the camp, and tried to arrest him. Major Weber aimed to make the arrest without the taking of life, and instead of shooting, only struck at him with his pistol. This furnished a new pretext for the old trick of calling out the civil posse against us. Writs were sworn out, not only for the arrest of Major Weber, but also for Capt. Allen, for stopping some persons in the streets of Carthage, whilst searching for arms. These writs were intended to be made the foundation of another call for the posse, and for our expulsion from the county. The effort was made, but the mob party failed to enlist more than two hundred and fifty men. We had diminished ours, by discharges, to one hundred and twenty. But the mob hesitated to attack us without five or six times our number, and accordingly abandoned their design of making the arrests.
After staying in the county seventeen days, being in no danger except from secret assassins, having made diligent search for the five pieces of cannon and other arms belonging to the State, without success; and as our officers and men published in a handbill, on the ground, having forced the assassins and cut-throats there to endure the presence of the exiled citizens, the principal part of the force was disbanded. Major Jackson and Captain Connelly were left with fifty men to remain until the 15th of December, 1846, before which day the legislature was to assemble, and it was expected that the cold of the winter would by that time put an end to the anti-Mormon agitations. This expectation was realized. Nothing puts an end to the continued enterprises of a mob sooner than the cold of winter.
We did not think worth while to arrest any one for previous riots, knowing as we did that the State could not change the trial to any other county, and that no one could be convicted in Hancock. In fact, the anties made their boasts that as they were in the entire possession of the juries and all civil officers of the county, no jury could be obtained there to convict them. If Brockman or others had been arrested, no justice of the peace would have committed them for trial; if they had been committed, they would have been turned loose by the sheriff or the mob. And if they had chosen to stand their trial, they were certain not to be convicted. An effort to arrest and prosecute these men would have resulted only in another triumph of the mob over government. In fact, there was no way to punish them, as former trials had shown, except by martial law; and this course was utterly illegal. The governor believed that he could not declare martial law for the punishment of citizens without admitting that free government had failed; and assuming that despotism was necessary in its place. He believed that to proceed in such cases by martial law was to overturn the government, institute monarchy, and make himself a dictator. If he erred in this, if was an error springing from attachment to the principles of civil liberty. Many were they who wondered that the governor did not do something to punish these men; and held him responsible just as if he actually possessed the power of government; just as if he possessed the power of appointing and removing all the civil and military officers in the disaffected region, who being independent of the governor, set up authority against authority; and just as if he had a standing army at command, or with his single arm could make the people put down the people. Let his administration be what it may in these difficulties, yet it illustrates the principle which most of all I desire to illustrate in this history; which is, that government is naturally forced to be a type of the people over whom it is instituted. The people are said to be the masters, and public officers the servants, and such is the fact; but with this fact let it be remembered that wherever the relation of master and servant exists, the proverb of "like master like man" will apply. If the people will have anarchy, there is no power short of despotism capable of forcing them to submission; and the despotism which naturally grows out of anarchy, can never be established by those who are elected to administer regular government. If the mob spirit is to continue, it must necessarily lead to despotism; but this despotism will be erected upon the ruins of government, and not spring out of it. It has been said that one great party in this country is secretly in favor of monarchy. If this were true, that party could not sooner or more effectually accomplish their purposes than to lend their aid in creating a necessity for it. Let them but encourage "every man to do that which seemeth good in his own eyes," and God will give them a king, as he gave one to the Jews for the harness of their hearts. This simple quotation from Scripture is a vivid description of anarchy; of that state of disorder, when men will consent to be slaves rather than without the protection of government; when men fly from the tyranny and misrule of the many-headed monster for protection to the despotism of one man. The giving of a king to the Jews is referred to as a special providence of God. But it is a fundamental law of man's nature from which he cannot escape, that despotism is obliged to grow out of general anarchy, as surely as a stone is obliged to fall to the earth when left unsupported in the air. Without any revealed special providence, but in accordance with this great law of man's nature, Cromwell rose out of the disorders of the English revolution; Charles the Second was restored to despotism by the anarchy which succeeded Cromwell; and Bonaparte came forth from the misrule of republican France. The people in all these cases attempted to govern; but in fact, did not. They were incapable of self-government; and by returning to despotism, admitted that they needed a master. Where the people are unfit for liberty; where they will not be free without violence, license and injustice to others; where they do not deserve to be free, nature itself will give them a master. No form of constitution can make them free and keep them so. On the contrary, a people who are fit for and deserve liberty, cannot be enslaved.
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